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संयूक्त नेपाली मोर्चा, यूरोप, माषिक बुलेटिन,नयां तरङ्ग, जुन २००७ वर्ष१,अंक२ |
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United Nepalese Front, Europe,Monthly Bulletin ,New wave,June 2007 ,Year 1, Issue 2 |
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Contribution
to the 16th International Communist Seminar Brussels,
4- 6 May 2007 http://www.icsbrussels.org
,
ics@icsbrussels.org The
type of Party needed to respond to the challenges of the 21st century
–Concrete experiences of Party building in the working class and among
the youth.
By Nepalese
People’s Progressive Forum, Belgium
Dear
Comrades, We
would like to thank the organiser the Worker's Party of Belgium for
providing us to express our opinion on this International Communist
Seminar in Brussels. We extend our heartfelt revolutionary greetings to
all the delegates here and the revolutionary people around the world on
behalf of the revolutionary masses of people of Nepal. The
set of topics of this seminar "The validity and current relevance of
the October Revolution of 1917 for the 21st century – the
type of party needed to respond to the challenges of the 21st
century - concrete experiences of party building in the working class and
among the youth" covers up comprehensive aspects required to make
revolution in any country in today's world. These topics are interrelated,
interdependent and complimentary to each other. Very often discussed in
the International Communist Movement about are the subjects as what is
capitalism, what is imperialism, what is exploitation and so forth. But,
rarely touched is 'how to make revolution!' The primary task of the
proletarian is not only to understand but to change the world, as Marx had
brilliantly pointed out 'the bourgeoisies have understood the world but
the main point is to change it'. The
duty of the proletariat is not only to understand how the economic,
political and social phenomenon moving under the mode of capitalist
production, social relation generated by this capitalist production, and
methods of thinking under such social relations, which the bourgeoisie
intellectuals limit itself around it, but to change these course of
phenomenon to change the world for freedom of human being. This is the
question of understanding the dialectical relation between 'necessity and
freedom'.
As long as the proletariat is confined and limited itself by the
bourgeoisie ideology, opportunist politics, pragmatic methodology, it will
never understand the necessity to change the world, and will never put
itself to achieve such freedom to change the world. The need today is to
break away from all these alien ideologies to Marxism, and grasp the
scientific ideology hitherto developed to the highest stage of Marxism:
that is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In spite of the reach experiences in the
20th century revolutionary struggle against revisionism,
economism, gradualism, reformism, parliamentary cretinism and performance
of stereotype bourgeoisie politics, against which the great leaders of the
proletariat Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao had struggled hard and
defeated, the left movement today is falling back to the same trap. Today,
in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, and in the stage of
imperialism, that is acting like a global state, two wrong tendencies in
the international communist movement are prevalent, there are the right
opportunist and ultra leftist currents; on which the various degrees of
right opportunist trends are most dangerous.
Having
fought against non-Marxist trends of spontaneous, perplexity and
uncertainty, Lenin put forward a thesis "two tactics of Social
Democracy in the Democratic Revolution" of Russia. This thesis lays
out a comprehensive political, organizational and military line to make
Socialist revolution. This thesis emphasises on fundamental principals of
proletarian revolution, which are comprehensive, interconnected
interdependent and complementary to each other and are not only valid and
relevant for today's revolutionary movement, but are also the fundamental
principles of revolution. These principles contain dialectical relation
between political and military line of proletarian revolution. As Lenin
put forwarded are the Formation of the Provisional Revolutionary
Government, Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the Peasantry and the
Election of the Constituent Assembly. The election of the constituent
assembly is defined as pressure from up and pressure from down, and this
pressure from down is defined as preparation of insurrection. This was the
fundamental essence and fundamental line of 1917 October revolution, and
this science in a perfect way is being applied in the concrete reality of
the Nepalese revolutionary People's War.
Development
of People’s War in Nepal cannot be separated from the vigorous two line
struggle and forceful class struggle. Alike the international Communist
Movement, the Nepalese Communist Movement was also mired into reformism,
revisionism, economism, sectarianism, right opportunism, post modernism,
dogmato-revisionism and parliamentarian cretinism. These kind of
revisionist and neo-revisionist, trends were defeated ideologically,
politically prevalent in the Nepalese society as well as within the
Communist Party of Nepal. As Lenin said, only he is Marxist who extends
the recognition of class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship
of the proletariat, today we can profoundly say: only he is Communist who
makes departure from Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution to accomplish
Socialist Revolution and advance to Communism by exercising the
dictatorship of the proletariat in smashing the old state and to make
world proletarian revolution. Lack in clarity in this question will take
to revisionism. A
discussion has very often taken place on the need of organisation in
relation to make revolution. Lenin had stressed on a radical, disciplined
vanguard Party of the proletariat. Mao Tsetung has made compressively a
scientific analysis that a revolutionary party, a people’s army under
the leadership of the vanguard and the united front are the key elements
to make revolution. Communist Party of Nepal has emphasised on four
preparations, namely ideological political preparation, organisational
preparation, logistical preparation and preparation for struggle. From
three slogans of Lenin to the key elements of Mao Tsetung and to the four
preparations for revolution are the interconnected elements to make
revolution. Today, many theoretical questions are posed before the
proletarian Party, why the Great Socialist States as Russia and China fall
right after the death of Stalin and Mao Tsetung, why the Red Army and the
People’s Liberation Army could not prevent counterrevolution, rather it
became the tools of counterrevolutionary bourgeoisie to suppress the
revolutionary masses? CPN Maoist has analysed that along with the
revolutionary state mechanism corresponding to the proletarian line of the
Party, the Party needs to be constantly rectified and developed among the
masses of people. Lenin
had time and again stressed on militant struggle. Further, Mao Tsetung
developed it to the level that if people have no people’s army, people
have nothing. It is only struggle that is so powerful that rallies the
masses around the world behind it. Whether one agrees or not on the
political line of the forces carrying out life and death resistance in
Palestine, Afghanistan and Iraq, these resistances have compelled all the
nationalist, democratic and revolutionary forces as well as general masses
of people to support it. As Mao taught us wherever there is repression
there is resistance. Our brothers and sisters in Palestine, Afghanistan
and Iraq have been resisting the US imperialist war juggernaut for there
is direct repression. The proletarian have consciously carrying out
revolutionary people’s war in Nepal, Peru, India, Philippine, Turkey
while fighting against their own reactionary states, puppets and lackeys
of imperialism and hegemonism. Here, the experiences of the revolutionary
People’s war, the national liberation resistance and the national
democratic movement have clearly illustrated that if a Communist Party is
to lead youth, workers and other strata of the masses of people, it can
lead only through organising a radical struggle with a concrete strategy
and tactics to smash old state and establish new, scientific and socialist
one. As
Lenin pointed out that the correctness or otherwise determines the
revolutionary struggle, the correctness or otherwise will determine if we
can defeat imperialism, accomplish Socialist revolution and bring the
Socialist State into being. Hence this International Communist Seminar
must inspire us to transform ourselves to cast away all reformist
illusions and grasp Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the scientific ideology of
the international proletarian class. Dear
comrades, I
would like to talk in brief on the political development in Nepal. Alike
in the Russian history, at the very historical juncture of the Nepali
politics, the election of the constituent assembly has been the central
issue of the entire nation. It is not only the central issue for the
country but also for imperialism and expensionism. Three main trends are
prevalent to direct CA for their political propose. One trend wants to
establish feudal monarchy, the other wants to maintain status quo or bring
back to 1990 parliamentarian situation and the Maoist want to mobilise
entire people to accomplish New Democratic Revolution and advance to
socialism. The
US imperialism and the Indian expensionism along with the feudal monarchy
are working overnight to defeat the revolutionary people. And, the
communist Party of Nepal Maoist is now raising slogan like peace, bread
and development. Both the foreign and domestic reactionary elements are
conspiring against the aspiration of the people, which is leading the
entire nation to a popular armed insurrection. Once
this insurrection is completed under the leadership of the Maoist Party, a
Socialist State will be brought into being in Nepal, following the
accomplishment of the New Democratic Revolution. With
revolutionary greetings to all the delegates on this seminar once again! May 2007 Message to the Berlin Revolutionary 1st
May Demonstration 2007 To
the organizers and participants, Dear
comrades, sisters and brothers, On
this occasion of the Revolutionary 1st May Demonstration, we
would like to extend our revolutionary greetings to all the Revolutionary
masses of people of the world. Today, the revolutionary masses of people
are fighting against imperialism in all notch and corners of the world.
Either it is Maoist revolutionary people's war of Nepal, Peru, Turkey,
India, Philippines or national liberation movement of Palestine, Sri
Lanka, India, Turkey, Spain, Britain, Colombia; either it is the people's
resistance of Iraq and Afghanistan, or people's democratic movements of
the people against war and oppression around the globe, people are
fighting against imperialism, its oppression and domination. All these
struggle of the people have to be united for a common goal, that is to
demolish imperialist domination, exploitation and the abolition of
imperialism itself. Having
been a imperialist superpower of the world, the US imperialism has been
shattering the bone and flesh of the oppressed masses of people.
The US brutality against the brothers and sisters of Iraq, Afghanistan and
Palestine, its conspiracy of creating conflicts among the people of many
countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America and its supporting to the
brutal regimes of these countries have constantly been humiliating the
people of the world. The US imperialism has repeatedly been threatening of
war against Iran, North Korea and any country it wants to fight. Looting,
plundering and launching wars have been the general characteristics of
imperialism today. The
only way of smashing imperialism is to make revolution in every country,
either it is developed or developing or under developed. As the
imperialism has united reactionaries for oppression against the masses
across the globe, the revolutionaries also need to fight imperialism in
the global level. At the same time it is also necessary to make fusion of
wars being waged as the Maoist revolutionary war, national liberation
movement and as well as democratic movements. We
believe that this Revolutionary 1st May Demonstration will open up new chapter in this process of uniting all the revolutionary
people around the world, and lead struggle against imperialism and its
global oppression. With
best wishes United
Nepalese Front (Europe) Celebrate 118th May-day as the day of political resistance against imperialism!March ahead with new strategy and tactics for world proletarian revolution!The working class and the oppressed masses of the people! No
G8! No Any Gangsters!! People must have all powers!! The
G8 meeting is underway here at Heilegendam in Germany. Group of Eight
"prosperous" nations
(better known to be group of plunderers) is a conglomeration of the
monopoly capitalists from Asia, Europe and America. These monopoly
capitalists are now gathering in the name of Group of Eight prosperous
nations, in a highly fortified banquet halls of Germany, in order to chart
out many plans to shatter the flesh and bones of billions of poor across
the world. Along
with the polarization of the group of 8 and 20, or so others, the
polarization between the rich and the poor has extremely widened up in
last decades. What is revealed statistically is that the Bill Gates, the
Sultan of Brunei and the Walton family together are the richer than the
world's 48 poorest countries (not companies!!). While a poor in India,
China and Bangladesh live in less than $1 a day, a rich in the US bags $70
an hour. While the Americans spend $8 billion a year on cosmetics, the 5
billion people get less than a dollar a day. While few millions Europeans
spend $11 billion a year on ice cream, the billions of poor are not
getting merely $9 billion to provide safe water and moderate sanitation.
The United States and the Europe alone spend $17 billion on pet food every
year. But, $10 billion could feed 15-calorie meal for a month to entire
Indian people. Yet, one billion poor of the world are not getting $13
billion to establish rudimentary healthcare. The
globalization, liberalization and open market policies of the imperialists
have brought these miseries upon people. According to the World Bank
statistics, the 37% population of the lowest income earns average $825 and
less a year, whereas 16% high-income population earns $10,066 or more per
year. The high and the upper middle class group comprise 25% of the world
population where as the number of the poorest people comprise 75%. These
poor people live in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. This
widening gap between the rich and the poor not only exists in between the
rich and the poor countries, but also exists within the rich and poor
people in both rich and poor countries. Among the Asian countries, 20%
upper class Malaysians posses 53.7 % of the national wealth, whereas 20%
poor posses 4.4%. Among the African countries, 20% upper class Sera-Lions
possess 63% wealth whereas 20% poor possess 1.1%. Similarly, among the
Latin American countries, 20% upper class Brazilians possess 64.1% of the
national wealth whereas 20% poor possess 2.2%. Among the European
countries, 20% richer German possess 38.5% of the national wealth whereas
20% poor German possess 8.2%. Similarly in America, 20% richer Canadian
possess 39.3% of the national wealth whereas the 20% poor possess 7.5 %. The
imperialism has not done any better for the peoples living in the land of
the sole Supper Power of the world, either. A journalist once pointed out
this remark: "In their 1992 campaign for the White House, Bill
Clinton and Al Gore liked to point out that the top 1 percent of Americans
owned 40 percent of the country’s wealth. They also said that if you
eliminated home ownership and only counted businesses, factories and
offices, then the top 1 percent owned 90 per cent of all wealth. And the
top 10 percent, they said, owned 99 percent!" The
imperialism has not only caused a horrendous gap between the rich and the
poor, either among rich and poor countries or the rich and poor within one
country, but also caused the war and destructions over one country after
another. Similarly, it has piled up more than 200,000 nuclear bombs of
varieties, around the world, and caused a huge natural disaster, including
the global warming and nuclear waste, to bring a calamity to the present
and future generation. What
are ongoing and further looming over the humanity are the hunger and
malnutrition, destabilization and uncertainty, terror and counter-terror
in both the developed and developing countries. Hence,
this G8 summit is the gathering of the masters of all these horrendous
social crimes against humanity. These masters who are buried under the
booty of billions of people of the world won't be hearing what they shout
from the streets across the world. Neither can they shape this world
better able to live for the future generation. Hullabaloos and cacophony
among these pirates about global-warming, war on terror, global economy is
nothing but senseless hilarity. People cannot tolerate this any more! And,
it should not be tolerated any more!! And the only way to rid off this
catastrophe is the way to overthrow them from power in their own countries
and seizing power in the hands of the people by accomplishing the
Socialist and Communist Revolution!! Long
Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism! Long
Live international Proletarianism! Down
with imperialism and reaction! United
Nepalese Forum, Europe. June 2007 Message presented in the memory ceremony of Maoist Leader Ibrahim Kayapakaya Dear
comrades, Revolutionary
greetings! We would like to put a brief presentation on Nepal situation, that has been developing since the initiation of people's war. On 13 February 1996, a whole new chapter in the history of Nepal was begun, when the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) led the masses of the downtrodden in Nepal in daring simultaneous assaults throughout the country. Although the scale of the initial actions was small and the People’s War was begun with only a few weapons, from the outset the goal was mighty—to carry out a new democratic and socialist revolution as a part of the international proletariat’s historic mission of sweeping imperialism, reaction and indeed all traces of class exploitation from the Earth. For eleven years the revolution in Nepal, under the leadership of our party, with comrade Prachanda at its head, has gone through twists and turns, victories and losses, and faced political complexities. There have been many sacrifices and boundless heroism among the party and among the people. Today, ten years later, those initial small squads with a handful of arms have grown into a mighty People’s Liberation Army, and backward Nepal, while still poor and oppressed, has become an advanced beacon in a world so much in need of revolution. Most of the territory of Nepal is already under the rule of the people, led by the party, and the revolution is knocking on the doors of nationwide power. These achievements fill the hearts of communists and revolutionary-minded people all over the world with joy and are rekindling hope among the oppressed that there is a solution to the exploitation, misery and oppression that enslaves humanity. The nepalese people's
war developed through twist and turns, ups and downs, ebbs and flows.
İn this process the People’s War had reached to a historical
juncture. The power of the people's war deepen the crisis over the system
of the reactionary state. The reacitonary state had fallen into
unresolveable crisis and thus disintegrated into split and causing
fractions into the government and within and among the parliamentarian
parties. Ultimately the king Gyanendra took his last option to stage a
coup detat and hold executive power of the country, simply lifting the
rock to drop on his own feet, by dissolving the parliamentarin government
and imposing his direct rule. On the background of these develpments and
mainly based on the principle of Maoism, that suggests to unite the people
and destroy enemy bit by bit, the Party reached to 12 point agreement with
the parliamentarian parties by which the royalist parliamentarian parties
for the frst time came to accept that the autocrat feudal monarchy was the
main obstacle of the peace, progress and democracy in the country. Then,
they also agreed to abolish the monarchy, to establish democratic republic
of Nepal and restructure of the Nepalese society. Hence, on the
background of 10 years of people's war and 19 days people's movement, the
king had been forced to step back. But, true to the reactionary clas
charater of the parliamentarian parties, they surrendered to the king and
committed a historical blunder. While the agreements were held between
seven party alliance (SPA) and CPN (Maoist) to abolish monarchy, to
dissolve royal army and restructure the national army, to reastructure of
the nepalese society, through the process of holding election of the
election of the constituent assembly, the parliamentarian are shrinking
back from different agreements. The parliamentarian parties accepted
reistate of the dissolved parliament and gave situation to save the king
once again. As a tactics to
destroy the Nepalese Maoist revolurionary movement, US imperialism always
tried to make the parliamentarian parties surrender to the king, bring
split among the parliamentarian parties, and split into the tactical unity
between the SPA and the CPN(Maoist). The Nepali Congress, among the
parliamentarian parties has sujugated itself as a stooge of the king and
the imperialist forces. This history has clearly manifested that any
bourgeoisie can never stand for the people and can never loose side of the
reactionary class. At the sametime, this history has also manifested that
in spite of the reactinary charater of the parliamentarian, it is
sometimes necessary to forge united front against imperialism guided by
the princpal of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The process of negotiation is a
war with enemy, different to the form of armed struggle. The history has again
manifested that the war on dialogue is much tougher than the war in the
battlefield. The reactionary ruling class whose hands are dipped on the
blood of masses of people wouldn't volunterily dethrone from the power. As
an attempt to destroy revolutionary forces, to dissrupt the peace process,
to divert the method of war to different direction, the feudals and the
imperialists have staged Gaur massacare on which 29 Maoist revolutionaries
were killed. Even today the reactionaries are hatchinng many conspiracies
to destroy leadership, party and attempt to never let the government hold
the election on time and want to create political anarchy through violence
and killings as in Gaur- Ruthat. The bourgeoisies have
been propagating that the newly formed government is as old one as
parliamentary used to be. The reactionaries are trying to confuse the
masses and make them forgotten that this interim government was build on
the background of ten years of people's war and strong people's movement
generated by the people's war and consiquently after the down fall of the
old reactionary parliamentarian system, following the abrogation of the
1991 constitution, and after the implimentation of a new interim
constitution. It is true that some of the the old murderors from these
parliamentarian parties are in posts of the interium structure and their
attempts are to destroy the achievements people attained and lead the
country back to parliamentarian system, it is true that in spite of all
ppower scrapped from the king and its vertual suspension, it is there and
in spite of the name changing of the Nepal Army it is Royal Army in
content. But, it is also true that those old reactionary institutions are
politically hacked several layers and fallen on the pit of grave. This government has a historical responsibility to held the polls of constituent assembly by Mid–June through free and fair ways. But this date line is aborted through the conspiracies hatched by the imperialis and the domestic feudals. The postponement of the election of the constituent assembly has caused a constitutional crisis. Feudal elements within the parliamentarian parties want to constantly violate constitution so that the keng could be made active. Hense, following the constant violation of the Comprihensive Peace Accord by these parliamentarians, the nasis of unity between the SPA and the Maoist has gotton obsolate. The only way to mentain such unity is to declare the republic from the interim lagislature and hold the election of the constituent assembly on time agreed. At this juncture of Nepali politics, the election of the constituent assembly has been the central issue of the entire nation. It is not only the central issue for the country but also for imperialism and expensionism. Three main trends are prevalent to direct CA for their political propose. One trend wants to establish feudal monarchy, the other wants to maintain status quo or bring back to 1990 parliamentarian situation and the Maoist want to mobilise entire people to accomplish New Democratic Revolution and advance to socialism No doubt new obstacles will appear and new sacrifices
will be required, but by continuing to firmly base ourselves on
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and Prachandapath by flexibly applying these
principles to the complexities of the class struggle a New Democratic
Nepal can emerge and brighten the whole world.
NOTES
ON PEOPLE’S WAR IN SOUTHEAST ASIA By
Jose Maria Sison Founding
Chairman Communist
Party of the Philippines 19
May 2007 Introduction Let
me present to you the armed struggles led by communist parties in
Southeast Asia before, during and immediately after World War II, focus on
the people’s war when Southeast Asia developed into the storm center of
the world proletarian revolution from 1960 to 1975, evaluate the post-Mao
China policy against people’s war in the region, describe the people’s
war in the Philippines and explore the prospects of people’s war in
Southeast Asia. 1.
Before World War II, 1926 to 1941 Under
the auspices of the Third Communist International (Comintern), communist
parties were established in Southeast Asia before World War II. The
earliest to be established was the Communist Party of the East Indies in
1920. It had the distinction
of being the first communist party in the whole of Asia.
It led an armed uprising for national liberation against Dutch
colonialism in 1926, the first armed struggle in the region led by a
communist party. The armed
uprising was brutally suppressed by the Dutch colonialists but gave the
Communist Party of Indonesia the highest prestige as the fighter for the
national liberation of the Indonesian people. Under
the shadow of the Great Depression and upon the intensified work of the
Comintern, the Communist Party of the Philippine Islands, the Communist
Party of Indochina and the Communist Party of Malaya were organized in
quick succession in 1930. The Vietnamese communists launched in 1930 and
1940 uprisings against French colonial rule. Both failed but raised the
prestige of the communists as fighters for national and social liberation.
The Communist Party of the Philippine Islands was suppressed by the
US colonial authorities a few months after its founding. The
main thrust of the political work of the communist parties in the 1930s
was to oppose the Western colonial powers and seek national liberation
through all forms of struggle. Like
the Filipino, Indonesian and Indochinese communists against US, Dutch and
French colonialism respectively, the
Malayan and Burmese communists were so focused on opposing British
colonialism that it took
sometime for them to accept entirely
the decision of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern in 1935 to focus the
revolutionary struggle against the fascism of Germany, Italy and Japan and
develop the popular front. 2.
In the Course of World War II, 1941 to 1945 Immediately
following its surprise attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, Japan
invaded the Southeast Asian countries.
The inter-imperialist war created the excellent conditions for the
communist parties and the people to build their revolutionary strength in
fighting the Japanese invasion and occupation.
The communist parties organized people’s armies against Japan
mainly among the peasant masses, engaged in land reform and built organs
of political power in Indochina, Philippines, Indonesia, Malaya and Burma. The
Communist Party of Indochina had organized the Revolutionary League for
the Independence of Vietnam (Viet Minh) since 1941 to unite the communist
and other anti-fascist forces to engage in guerilla warfare against the
Japanese invaders and occupiers. It defeated the Japanese aggressors, launched
the uprising of August 1945 to seize political power, proclaim the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam and suppress the pro-Japanese collaborators
and made preparations to fight the plan of the French colonialists to
reconquer Vietnam in 1946 and thus to ignite the First Indochina War. The
Communist Party of Indonesia was able to build guerrilla forces during the
resistance against Japan and an alliance of the left wing and youth
section of the Indonesian Socialist Party. These were the most reliable
forces for upholding the proclamation of national independence by Sukarno
in August 1945, frustrating the British military intervention and
continued use of Japanese military units and fighting the return of Dutch
colonialism to Indonesia. The US also began to intervene in Indonesian
affairs. The
merger party of the Communist and Socialist parties in the Philippines
organized the People’s Army Against Japan (Hukbalahap) in 1942,
independently of the US Armed Forces in the Far East (USAFFE).
Despite Right opportunist errors in strategy, it was able to build
units of the people’s army and organs of political power and carry out
land reform. But it
overconcentrated in only one region close to the national capital region
and was unable to expand the revolutionary movement on a nationwide scale.
Right
opportunism persisted in undermining the merger party of the Communist and
Socialist parties because of the leadership’s decision to welcome the
return of the US imperialist military forces and the puppet Commonwealth
government. Subsequently, the
Browderite line of peace and democracy blew in from the Communist Party of
the USA, which had had a long relationship with the merger party. The
Malayan Communist Party built the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army
and cooperated with British
military forces in fighting against the Japanese occupation.
But it maintained its initiative and independence. It demanded the
independence of Malaya from British colonialism upon the defeat of Japan,
thus incurring the hostility of British imperialism which was determined
to recolonize Malaya and secure British interests in Southeast Asia. The
Burmese Communist Party took a major role in organizing the Anti-Fascist
People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) to fight the Japanese occupation which
began in 1941-42. The AFPFL
cooperated with the British military forces to expel the Japanese in 1945.
3.
Aftermath of World War II, 1946 to 1959 After
proclaiming the independence of Vietnam in 1945, the Viet Minh formed the
National Assembly in January 1946. The
French government recognized the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a free
state of the French Union in March 1946 but declared war against it in
November of the same year and began the First Indochina War. It set up the
puppet government of Bao Dai in Saigon in 1948.
In
1951 the Indochinese Communist Party decided to divide into three parties
in order let them focus on the problems in their respective countries.
In the name of the Cold War, the US started to give substantial
political and financial support to the French war effort in 1949 and at
the same time increased its influence among prospective Vietnamese
puppets. The Vietnamese people’s army defeated the French at Dien Bien
Phu in 1954 on the eve of the Geneva Conference. The
Geneva Conference of 1954 agreed to divide Vietnam into North and South
temporarily and to reunite it after elections in 1956.
But the US-supported Ngo Dinh
Diem regime that had deposed Bao Dai regime in 1955 refused to hold
elections. Following orders from the US, it declared South Vietnam a
republic. It unleashed a reign of terror against the Viet Minh, the people
and all opposition forces, including patriotic religious organizations. t Following
the declaration of Indonesian national independence in 1945, Indonesian
president Sukarno proceeded to call for national unity to fight against
the British military forces and thereafter the Dutch military forces who
sought to reconquer Indonesia. At
first, he relied mainly on the disciplined and battle-tested guerrilla
forces of the Communist Party of Indonesia. But
he and his vice president Hatta increasingly relied on the pro-US and
pro-Western military officers, including those who had served in the
Japanese occupation army. The
communists were massacred in Madiun in 1948 to make way for the
neocolonial compromise in the Round Table Conference Agreement. Challenged
by the US and pro-US forces and ultra-reactionary forces in Indonesia
represented by Hatta and the right wing forces of the Masjumi and
Socialist Party, Sukarno sought once more the alliance of the Communist
Party of Indonesia in 1951. The
Communist Party of Indonesia appeared to thrive politically by pursuing
the peaceful and parliamentary road of struggle and by keeping an
anti-imperialist alliance with Sukarno and his nationalist following.
The
old merger party of the Communist and Socialist parties pushed for and
welcomed the grant of nominal national independence to the Philippines by
the US in 1946. It agreed
with the reactionary authorities to demobilize the people’s army and
surrender its arms despite the rising brutal acts of the US and local
reactionary forces against units of the people’s army and the peasants
who had undertaken land reform during the Japanese occupation.
It was heavily influenced by the Browderite line of peace and
democracy. It formed the Democratic Alliance to compete in the electoral
struggle. The
Democratic Alliance won enough seats in Congress in 1946 to prevent the
passage of an amendment in the 1935 Constitution for the purpose of
allowing US corporations and citizens to have rights at par with the
Filipinos in exploiting Philippine natural resources and operating public
utilities. The puppet
government ousted from Congress the progressive members on false charges
of electoral fraud and terrorism. Moreover, the brutal attacks on the
people in the revolutionary areas escalated. Thus, the ground was laid for
a decision of the old merger party in 1948 to start revolutionary armed
struggle. But only in the
latter half of 1950 was the people’s army able to launch some relatively
large offensives on a wide scale along the Sierra Madre. The
“Left” opportunist line
of seeking to win complete victory in two years’ time
without painstaking mass work, without land reform and without
building the people’s army in stages but relying on the growth of the
spontaneous uprising of the people due to the severe crisis of the system
and violent contradictions among the reactionaries proved disastrous.
The enemy was able to launch a sustained counter-attack against the
forest-based camps of the people’s army and capture most of the
city-based principal leaders in 1950-52. Since then, the old merger party
swung back to Right opportunism, including the orders to liquidate the
people’s army in 1955 and the party in 1957, and caused the party to
become moribund, until efforts were made to revive it from 1959 onwards. The
British colonialists legalized the Malayan People’s Anti-Japan but
banned it in 1948 and declared a state of emergency in order to suppress
it. Peace talks between the Malayan communist leaders and the chief
ministers of Malaya and Singapore broke down as the latter officials
demanded the dissolution of the Malayan Communist Party. The
state of emergency was ended in 1960 after the authorities estimated that
they had virtually crushed the people’s army. But in fact this continued
to fight from a relatively secure area along the Thailand-Malaya border
area. After
being expelled from the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League in 1946,
the Burmese Communist Party launched an armed revolution in 1948. It
operated mainly in Central Burma and the in the Arakan mountains and
Irrawaddy delta. It engaged
in alliances with the minority nationalities that were also waging armed
struggle against the Burmese reactionary government. 4.
People’s Wars in Southeast Asia, 1960 to 1975 The
communist and noncommunist forces in the armed struggle against the
US-supported Ngo Din Diem regime united to form the South Vietnam National
Liberation Front in 1960. In
1961 the US began to deploy large numbers of “advisors” in the South
Vietnamese military and bureaucracy and in 1964 it began to launch
military operations against the Democratic Republic of Vietnam by land,
sea and air. The
US war of aggression against the people of Vietnam became indubitably
clear with the rapid deployment of hundreds of thousands of US troops and
with large military operations from US military bases inside and outside
of Vietnam. The Vietnamese communists and people were determined to carry
out a war of national liberation against the US war of aggression through
the strategy of protracted people’s war. At
that time, the Vietnam Workers Party was close to the Communist Party of
China under Comrade Mao Zedong. It was disappointed that the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union under Khrushchov was hyping the general line of
peaceful coexistence and the road of peaceful transition and was not
interested in assisting the Vietnamese communists in people’s war.
The
US escalated its military intervention through military advisors and
military supplies to the level of a full-scale war of aggression. It
engaged in all types of vicious military campaigns in South Vietnam and
made frequent bombing raids on North Vietnam. The Vietnamese people
intensified their resistance and inflicted heavy casualties on US and
puppet troops on the ground, shot down thousands of US planes and
destroyed convoys of enemy vehicles. The
US instigated the military coup against Sihanouk by Lon Nol in 1970 in the
vain hope of disrupting and preventing the passage of supplies for the
South Vietnam National Liberation Front through either the so-called Ho
Chi Minh trail or ports of Cambodia.
The overthrow of Sihanouk brought about the conditions for the
alliance between the Communist Party of Kampuchea and the forces of
Sihanouk with the support of the Communist Party of China. The
people’s war led by the Communist Party of Cambodia advanced very
rapidly. The alliance of patriotic forces formed the Royal Government of
National Union of Kampuchea. The Vietnamese, Kampuchean and Laotian
revolutionary parties and peoples united in waging people’s war against
US imperialism and its puppet forces. Their intensified people’s wars
compelled the US to negotiate towards the Paris Peace Accord of 1973 and
paved the way for the total victories of their revolutionary struggle for
national liberation against US imperialism . From
1960 onward, the calls for people’s war in Southeast Asia resounded
against the continuing aggressiveness of the US in expanding its hegemony.
In the growing Sino-Soviet ideological debate the revisionist line
of Khrushchov did not dull but sharpened the resolve of the communist
parties to wage armed revolution. The
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China further sharpened such
resolve and the Communist Party of China under the leadership of Chairman
Mao was enthusiastic in supporting the communist parties that decided to
wage people’s war in Southeast Asia. The
Communist Party of Indonesia, which had become the biggest communist party
among those in nonsocialist states by pursuing the line of peaceful and
legal struggle from 1951 to 1965, began from 1963 to consider the
necessity of armed revolution against armed counterrevolution. It intended
to take advantage of the “crush Malaysia” campaign to justify arming
the people. However, it was
unclear and vacillating about what form of armed revolution it would
undertake, even as the US, British and Dutch imperialists and their
puppets headed by Suharto were feverishly preparing to massacre the
Indonesian communists, their mass following and sympathizers in 1965-66. Since
1961, the Communist Party of Thailand had taken a strong Marxist-Leninist
position in the Sino-Soviet ideological debate and decided to adopt the
strategic line of protracted people’s war.
It started guerrilla warfare in 1965 in the northeastern provinces
of Thailand along the border with Laos, where they won the support of the
Meo tribesmen, and subsequently spread to the northern provinces and to
the extreme south, where the Malayan Communist Party and people’s army
were based. In the early 1960s the Burmese Communist Party also took a
strong Marxist-Leninist position in the Sino-Soviet ideological debate. The
Communist Party of the Philippines was reestablished on December 26, 1968
and in a few months’ time founded the New People’s Army on March 29,
1969. The enemy tried to nip
the armed revolutionary movement in the bud from 1969 to 1971, pitting a
full division against a few squads of the NPA, but failed. Then in 1972
the Marcos regime began to impose a fourteen-year fascist dictatorship on
the Filipino people. The revolutionary forces and people grew even
stronger through people’s war.
The
period of 1960 to 1975 may be described as the period when the whole of
Southeast Asia was the focus of the storm of the world proletarian
revolution through people’s war and the eye of the storm was in Vietnam
and then the whole of Indochina, when the people’s war completely
triumphed in 1975. In view of
this great victory, there were bright hopes for the peoples of Thailand,
Burma, Malaya, Indonesia and the Philippines to persevere in people’s
war and win their own great victories. 5.
Post-Mao Policy of China, 1976 to the present After
the demise of Comrade Mao Zedong, the alliance of Centrists and Rightist
in the Communist Party of China paved the way for a counterrevolutionary
coup and the restoration of
capitalism, under the slogans of “reforms” (capitalist-oriented
reforms), “opening up to the world” (integration into the world
capitalist system). China took the line of
“promoting peace, stability
and economic development in the region”. This
meant the withdrawal of
support from the Southeast Asian communist parties, the dissolution of
Central Committee delegations of fraternal parties in China and
wherever possible the liquidation of people’s war. What
obfuscated China’s policy of liquidating people’s war in Southeast
Asia was its conspicuous support for the Democratic Kampuchea from 1975
onwards and in the entire duration of the Third Indochina War from 1979
onwards, its opposition to the invasion of Kampuchea by Vietnam and its
counter-invasion of Vietnam also in 1979 and its support for Coalition
Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CDGK) based on the three-way alliance
of the Party for Democratic Kampuchea (the erstwhile Communist Party of
Kampuchea), the Sihanouk forces and the Khmer People’s National
Liberation Front led by Son Sann in
1982, extending up to 1991. But
the Party of Democratic Kampuchea was put in the position of being
cornered by its two major allies in the coalition government.
It was supported by China but it was also required to collaborate
with the US and Thai governments to allow all allies in the coalition
government free passage of personnel and materiel to and from Kampuchea
across Thailand. Democratic
Kampuchea retained the UN seat of Kampuchea until 1982. Then this was
passed on to the CGDK until 1993. The
Party of Democratic Kampuchea became bound to agreements in 1991 under the
auspices of the UN to liquidate the people’s war and attain national
reconciliation among all political forces through elections in the 1993
under the supervision of the UN peacekeeping mission.
The Party of Democratic Kampuchea was outmaneuvered
by the other political forces, including its allies in the CGDK,
and by the US, Chinese and Thai governments.
The
war between Vietnam and Kampuchea disrupted the previous important
relations and arrangements of the Communist Party of Thailand with the
Communist Party of Kampuchea and the People’s Revolutionary Party of
Laos. China also used its
support for the Party of Democratic Kampuchea and its allies in the
coalition government to advise the Communist Party of Thailand to refrain
from revolutionary radio broadcasts against the Thai government and
finally to close down its Yunnan-based radio broadcasting station. In
connection with its policy of peace, stability and economic development
and policy of supporting the resistance in Kampuchea, the Chinese
authorities had advised, pressured and induced the Communist Party of
Malaya to make a peace agreement with both the governments of Malaysia and
Thailand since the early 1980s. The
peace agreement was done in 1989. Subsequently, the Malayan Communist
Party liquidated itself, surrendered its arms to the Thai authorities and
converted the former revolutionary base at the Thai-Malaysian border into
a tourist spot. There
are reports that upon Deng Xiaoping’s return to power, the Chinese
authorities prevented the leaders of the communist parties of Thailand and
Burma from promptly communicating and meeting with their forces across the
border. It may be true that
these parties suffered setbacks due to external factors.
But in the first place there are internal factors to consider. A
communist party has to develop on its initiative and be self-reliant.
Otherwise it becomes dependent on other party and becomes vulnerable to
dictation from the outside. 6.
Perseverance and Development of the Communist Party of the
Philippines By
virtue of its own history and circumstances, the Communist Party of the
Philippines could be reestablished in 1968 and could resume the
revolutionary armed struggle in 1969.
A series of major Right and “Left” opportunist errors had
afflicted the old merger party of the Communist and Socialist parties and
needed to be rectified in the light of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought. The
CPP was among the parties least expected to succeed in people’s war,
supposedly because the Philippines was an archipelagic country, without
the advantage of having a common land border with China.
That is not the only disadvantage.
The Philippines is the favorite secure base from which US
imperialism launches all kinds of intervention and military aggression in
Asia. The ruling classes of big comprador and landlords are well schooled
and trained in counterrevolution. Moreover,
the US-Marcos regime imposed a 14-year long fascist dictatorship on the
people. But it failed to destroy the CPP and the revolutionary movement.
Instead, these grew from small to big and from weak to strong. The
CPP has proven that under correct leadership it can preserve and develop
the people’s army and other revolutionary forces, such as the organs of
political power and the mass organizations. It has generated powerful mass
movements in the economic, social, political and cultural fields for the
benefit of the people along the line of national democratic revolution.
The people’s army has been waging people’s war for more than 38
years, far longer than it took China to win the people’s democratic
revolution. The CPP has learned much from the teachings of Comrade Mao
about protracted people’s war and has successfully applied these on the
concrete conditions of the Philippines. But
there are those who might say that the people’s war has been extremely
protracted in the Philippines. If
this is said to demoralize
the people and the revolutionary forces, the riposte is: how much more
successful at social revolution or basic reforms are those who are engaged
mainly or solely in legal and electoral struggle or those who wish for a
quick victory in armed struggle? The
CPP has accumulated enough experience and knowledge to respond to the
challenge of accelerating the advance of the people’s democratic
revolution. In this connection, it must study well and analyze the
concrete conditions of the Philippines.
At the same time, it must consider the current conditions of the
world capitalist system and see how in the particular conditions of
Southeast Asia people’s war can again resurge.
7.
Prospects of People’s War in Southeast Asia There
are some bright prospects, especially in the objective conditions, for the
resurgence of people’s war in Southeast Asia.
The world capitalist system is in an increasingly severe economic
and financial crisis. Southeast
Asia has never fully recovered from the crisis of 1997.
This has been covered up merely by new lethal doses of foreign
borrowing to cover trade and budgetary deficits.
The people of Southeast Asia suffer from intensifying exploitation
and oppression. They are therefore being driven to wage resistance. The
policy of “neoliberal globalization” has accelerated as never before
the concentration and centralization of productive and finance capital in
the hands of a few imperialist powers. The adoption of higher technology
has only served to maximize monopoly profit-taking and step up the
accumulation of constant capital and reduction of variable for wages.
After every round in the crisis of overproduction, unemployment
rises and incomes of the working people sink, thus the market is further
constricted. The
economic and financial crisis of the world capitalist system has become so
grave and deep that it is leading to acute political crisis and pushing
the monopoly bourgeoisie to step up military production, whip up war
hysteria, chauvinism, racism and fascism on a global scale and unleash
wars of aggression under the pretext of a permanent and preemptive global
war of terror. Since 9/11, US
imperialism has been drumming up the line that the Philippines and the
adjoining countries with large oil resources and Muslim population
constitute the “second front” in the “global war on terror”. The
restoration of capitalism in the former socialist countries has resulted
in the increase of imperialist powers competing for economic territory
(sources of oil and other natural resources, markets, fields of investment
and spheres of influence) and struggling for a redivision of the world.
The world cannot accommodate too many imperialist powers. As the US and
the NATO preoccupy themselves and are overextended in Iraq and
Afghanistan, their attention to other parts of the world is reduced or
their spurts of attention are increasingly rebuffed by the people and
various forces. The
basic contradictions in the world are intensifying, those between the
imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples, those among the imperialist
powers and those between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the proletariat in
the imperialist countries. Driven by greed for oil, the US imperialists
insist on staying in Iraq and are incurring significant losses. Elsewhere
in the world, especially in South Asia, there is high probability of
widespread people’s war. We
can also look forward to the emergence of revolutionary forces in
countries where the ever worsening conditions of oppression and
exploitation drive the people to wage armed resistance. As the Communist Party of the Philippines was able to rise from the ashes of the 1950-52 defeat of its predecessor party and from the prolonged period of violent anti-communist reaction, so can other communist parties in Southeast Asia rise from defeats and setbacks through summing up and analysis of conditions and experience, through a rectification movementand through resolute and militant efforts to resume the revolutionary struggle. PEOPLES' STRUGGLE IN LATIN AMERICABy FRDDP/Revolutionary Front of
Defense of the People’s Rights
Red
anti-imperialist greetings to the heroic resistance of the Iraqi,
Palestinian, Afghan and Lebanese people. Red
greetings to the proletariat and oppressed masses who fight all over the
world. Red
greetings to the people's wars, to the masses and militants who fight
those wars, to the martyrs and communist parties that lead them in Peru,
Philippines, Turkey, India and Nepal. Red
greetings to the heroic Ibrahim Kaipakaia who opened the
revolution’s way in Turkey with the people's war. Red
greetings to the organisers of this important event and to the present
people as well. I.
A new revolutionary situation has been developing From
the end of the 90s onwards massive movements and people's rebellions have
been rounding Latin America, shaking all the region. The growing of the
people's protests and massive and radicalised struggles
are a direct result of the horrible policies on
"agreements" and "reforms" dictated by IMF and The
World Bank and imposed by several governments of the countries, lackeys of
imperialism, mostly Yankee. With the aggravation of the imperialist
domination over the Latin American countries, such fights and rebellions
point out, once more, to the principality of the contradiction nation /
imperialism. This is not a
particular situation. In the present world, the Bush-led Yankee
imperialists - using the condition of hegemonic and only power from the
USA - want to take their "everlasting war" to all parts to rule
the planet. All over the world the peoples rise in struggle. In
Latin America, as an immediate result of people's dissatisfaction, the
political traditional conservative forces, that have been for decades
playing the role of imperialism-led governments, have been taken out of
the management of the old State of the big bourgeoisie and landlords. And
this works through the electoral mechanisms managed
by imperialism itself, for whom the "democratic
elections" are the constitutional path, the only legitimate and
democratic one for confirming the governments. Hugo Chavez's election in
Venezuela, by the end of the 1990s, marked the starting of a period of
election failures for those traditional conservative forces. However it
was with the coup d'etat planned by the Yankee embassy that the Venezuelan
masses rose in rebellion to oppose the coup, beginning a new
anti-imperialist and anti-Yankee clamour in the continent. A clamour that
the Cuban revolution would explode in the 1960's, the Nicaraguan
Revolution would renew in the end of the 1970's and the People's War in
Peru would echo in the 80's and beginning of the 90's. In
Argentina, Buenos Aires, with the economic crack, people's rebellions
would blow up. In Ecuador, the indigenous masses came down the hills and
revolted in the capital, Quito; the urban masses united to them in many
days of confrontation with the repressive forces. In Bolivia, in the
beginning of 2000, in Cochabamba, a rebellion exploded against the
privatisation of water sources and supply. In the next years new and
successive uprisings in defence of oil and gas nationalisation occurred.
Also in Paraguay, a vigorous peasant movement rose in defence of the fair
prices for their production and for protection policies of the national
production as well as the struggle for land against the landlords besides
the fights against the privatisation policies. In
Colombia, the many strategies of the Yankee imperialism for defeating the
armed struggle - which has been developing in the country for more than 40
years - have been unsuccessful day by day. In Peru, even with the hard
blow the people's war and PCP leadership have suffered, despite the loss
of great part of the ground acquired by the guerrilla and the important
difficulties for the people's war, the armed struggle goes on. In Mexico
in state of Oaxaca, the masses have risen in rebellion and established a
parallel power in a long struggle of confrontation against repression and
the State intelligence. In Brasil, the peasant struggles for land have ups
and downs; however it does not stop. In the last 10 years more than 500
peasants were murdered in land conflicts. The workers' strikes have
restarted in the whole country. The
combative Cuban people continue fighting the provocation and terror
campaigns from the Yankee imperialism in a permanent mobilisation. The
defamation and provocative campaigns of the press, that are nothing but
the monopoly of the imperialist media in the dominated countries, are now
turned to Venezuela. In Haiti, the masses repudiate the occupation of
their homeland, resist in the possible way. All
this whirl of the masses which has been for more than a decade shaking
Latin America is the sign of a new moment and characterises itself as a
new revolutionary situation in development. A situation generated by the
chronic crisis of a semi-colonial system that has been imposed for decades
by imperialism, mostly Yankee and that , in the last years, has aggravated
as a direct result of the decomposition of its material basis and the
impact on it of the world-wide restructuring of capitalism, the so-called
globalisation, and the so-called "neoliberal" policies.
In
the last 8 decades the USA has implemented and consolidated the hegemony
of domination over Latin America and Caribbe whose people have experienced
the most terrible phases of their existence. Nowadays, in the "New
Order" with "democratic governments", "human
rights" and Bush version of the "War to Terrorism" they
plan to implement the control on the whole region. Latin
America, as one of the weakest links in the chain of the imperialist
dominance, marches towards an afflictive situation. A situation for which
the imperialists cannot give satisfactory answers but aggravating them
more and more. At every street demonstration, at every struggle, as
before, the old State responds with the most brutal and bloody repression.
Every single social fight has been criminalised; one lives in a
revolutionary violence spiral of the State.
Latin
America lives a new moment in which a revolutionary situation has been
developing. Even within the environment of still world-wide
counter-revolutionary offensive, the masses keep struggling. The objective
situation pushes them into fighting. The great challenge for the Latin-american
people's masses is of developing the subjective factor, the raising of
their political class consciousness, expressed in a higher level of
organisation and struggle, to find a revolutionary way out to the
situation. It is a task which depends on the existence and development of
the true proletarian revolutionary vanguards. II
- Rotten basis and chronic crisis Latin
America and Caribbe have nowadays a population of 570 million inhabitants.
The population economically active (PEA) of 245 million composes a group
of productive forces that gathers and combines advanced technology with
semifeudal, semi-slave and slave relations. The GNP, in 2006, of 2,22
trillion dollars corresponds to a production of fundamentally primary,
agricultural assets, wood and mineral extraction and services. The world
external debt today is of 656 billion dollars, equivalent to 27% of GNP.
In 2004, 264 billion dollar interests were paid for the external debt. The
commercial deficit in the region is of 78,8 billion dollars. Two
hundred million live below the so-called poverty line and 57 million live
in a permanent state of misery. The ones that live without potable water
are around 57 million and 180 million do not have sanitation care.
Unemployment, for some other countries it goes up to more than 30%.
The
independence processes from the former colonialism to the Latin America
countries did not mean any change whatsoever in the internal relations of
power and property. Condemned
to this system of misery and violence under the boot of the most cruel and
corrupt regime, the peoples of Latin America and Caribbe have been
resisting and have been waging revolutionary uprisings along the last two
centuries. And most of the times they have suffered hard setbacks as in
the past period of the Cold War with the bloody military regimes. The
pending agrarian problem, as a question of acute crisis and that has never
been solved, has potentialised itself under a new trend for a larger land
concentration. With the colonial imposition to strengthen the
specialisation in production of grains and mineral/wood extraction in
those countries for exporting, with the energy issue the agrarian problem,
the problem of the land propriety relations are not exclusively democratic
and more than ever are a national and territorial issue. III
- The management of the old State by opportunism As
it has been confirmed, the arrival of opportunism to the management of the
old State are nothing but the last cards of imperialism and their cohorts
before passing to the old resources for their salvation, that is, the
fascist and bloodshed military regimes, as a means to stop the inevitable
uprisings of the masses and maintain their systems of domination and
exploitation The
defeat of the revolutionary armed movement in Latin America in the 70s had
as a fundamental cause the absence of a proletarian leadership in the
movements. The result of a sinuous process lived by the communist movement
in the region after the war, that had been deeply contaminated by the
"developing" reformism and sank in the constitutional illusions
with a strong pacifist and electoral trend, was the predomination of the
modern revisionism of Khrushev. The struggle against this sort of
revisionism, with rare exceptions, has been quite weak and superficial.
With the influence of ideas from Cuba, mostly by Castro-oriented ideas -
"castrism" - as an expression of the "armed
revisionism", the fights and ruptures were mostly centred against
symptoms of revisionism as for instance pacifism.
Such a thing led to the petit-bourgeois and military ideological
trends as the focus theory and consequently most of those movements were
defeated. As
long as the revolutionary processes had been defeated their emptiness was
fulfilled by the new kinds of opportunism. In this capitulation atmosphere
the petit-bourgeois intellectuality sank into the "post-modern"
theories about the end of the social classes, the "new actors",
"social movements", NGOs, etc. which, in their opinions, had
been revealed with the failure of the "real socialism" and end
of the Cold War. This
"new left wing" - as its ideologists and supporters call it -
has reached the management of the old State in many countries; many
bourgeois analysts call it " the left
wing overturn in Latin America". For that the reformist,
opportunist "left wing" has taken commitments with sectors of
the ruling classes, mostly with the Yankee imperialism for the maintenance
of its economic, commercial policy and its strategic political-military
interests. This
has been repeated with Lula in Brasil, Kirchner, in Argentina, Tabare, in
Uruguay, Bachelet, in Chile, Chavez, in Venezuela, Morales, in Bolivia,
Correa, in Ecuador, Ortega, in Nicaragua, etc. All of them represent the
same opportunist trend of the bourgeois reformism under specific nuances
of each country. They talk about "peaceful revolution",
"development", "bolivarism", "Andean
capitalism", etc. preaching a sort of fictitious anti-imperialism.
The pseudo anti-imperialism of the so called axes
Cuba/Venezuela/Bolivia/Ecuador and Brasil/Uruguay/Argentina are nothing
but - as product of the inter-imperialist and inter-bourgeois
contradictions - a reflex of the movement in struggle and collusion within
imperialism. Chavez's
socialism in the XXI century Although
he has been promoting better life conditions for the Venezuelan masses,
the so-called "Bolivarian Revolution" is supported by a large
group of social classes whose sectors have been exploiting people besides
implementing international relations with Europe Russia and China. The
State model of Chavez which displeases the bourgeoisie of the whole
continent, has not so far made the giant oil enterprise in the country,
PDVeza, a completely national and State company. The enterprise has
maintained strong connections with the Yankee capitals and interests. The
only relationship Chavez has with the mass movement is in the sense and
direction of their being co-optated for corporate organisations and under
his and his government tutelage. Chavez
and his "Bolivarian Revolutions" talk about a "socialism of
the XXI" out of the leadership of a revolutionary proletarian party,
without the proletarian dictatorship and without the expropriation of the
big bourgeoisie, landlords and imperialism. He repeats his preachment with
new terminology, the old doctrines of Khrushev's revisionism of the
"three peaceful" and the "two wholes". In the present
situation, imperialism prefers to have leaderships like Chavez, Morales,
Ortega and others at the head of the State than having the risk of a real
armed revolution which would threaten to sweep away all the exploiters and
oppressors and spread out its flames all over Latin America. IV
- The problem of the people's war in Peru The
unquestionable importance of the Peruvian Revolution has been maintained
nowadays. The 27 years of people's war, despite the hard blows received in
the 90s, are not only an endowment of the proletariat and masses in Peru
but the proletariat and masses' all over the world. The right wing
opportunist line which presented itself defending the "peace
negotiations" for laying down arms worked out as an instrument for
hard blows on the revolution forces. However, the continuation of the
people's war, despite the terrible losses they had had and the complex
conditions for the people to maintain it, goes on heroically against the
storms. They persist under the hardest conditions with the people's war in
spite those who intend to justify the capitulation. From
the positive and negative lessons given by the people's war process to all
the world revolutionaries the most important has been the affirmation that
a real communist party is able to apply the universal truth of Marxism-leninism-maoism
to the reality of a country, melting it with the concrete practice of the
revolution on it. It has been confirmed there is not an easy way for the
revolution and that the searching of a pragmatic way-out that will not
save it from being defeated but persisting with the arms. It is the armed
masses which will make imperialism and all reaction tremble and they will
do their best to disarm them, to destroy its armed force and its vanguard
party, either by the war or by the negotiation, either by the terror of
the armed counter-revolution or by the white tactics with their
"sweet bullets". That is why the recent events in Nepal cause
much concern to all communists, revolutionaries and democrats in the
world. It is convenient that the leadership of the heroic Communist Party
of Nepal (Maoist) reconsider the wrong policy of disarming the masses even
it being partial or a small part of it. V
- Combat and unmask revisionism and all opportunism for releasing the
revolutionary energies of the masses and wage the revolution In
Latin America nowadays in which under the objective conditions a new
revolutionary situation develops, though in unequal ways in different
countries, the tasks for the political struggle for power demand a hard
combat against revisionism and all opportunism to release the huge
revolutionary energies from the masses. To develop the subjective factor
which can potentialise and develop such a revolutionary situation, the
communists' central task is to develop, constitute and reconstitute true
communist parties. To destroy the semi-feudality, the
bureaucratic capitalism and imperialism, making the revolution of the new
democracy uninterrupted to socialism, in the perspective of a Latin
America Union of socialist countries and communism. The
revolution once more knocks at the door of Latin America. Such a thing
represents a nightmare for all imperialists and all reactionaries in the
world, mostly for the Yankees who have the region as a supporting basis
for their world-wide domination. FRDDP/Revolutionary
Front of Defense of the People’s Rights
Brasil May
19, 2007
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